Excellent Article about the recent bitter conflict between Khamenei and Ahmadinejad:
The ongoing skirmish over the Islamic Republic of Iran's Ministry of Intelligence reveals the latest alignment of forces in the country and exposes a hidden war between its intelligence services.
The Islamic Republic is famously a state where there is never a dearth of political surprises. The model has almost invariably been as follows: one spectacular event creates an enormous splash, followed by smaller ripples until things subside back to "normalcy."
Thus it is with more than a little bafflement that we must greet the staggering onrush of developments in the last few days. For in the row over who should head the Ministry of Intelligence, we are dealing with not one but several major surprising twists and turns.
In addition to the first major events -- President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's decree announcing the resignation of the intelligence minister and Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's surprisingly forceful overriding of that decree -- there have been two other equally important developments: an attack of unprecedented vehemence by a newspaper subsidiary of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps on the presidential camp, and an equally unprecedented counterattack by a website closely aligned with Ahmadinejad on the Revolutionary Guards.
The First Surprise
In the year-and-a-half-long tug of war between Ahmadinejad and the Supreme Leader over ministerial positions nominally and partly under the sway of the Leader, the tussle over the Intelligence Ministry should be regarded as a mild sea change. For by overruling Ahmadinejad's effective sacking of Minister of Intelligence Heydar Moslehi, Khamenei did what he had been reluctant to do in the recent past: he has stood his ground and fought back.
With one exception, in all the earlier skirmishes -- including those over the Culture, Interior, and Foreign Affairs ministries -- the Leader gave up more or less without a fight. The exception was the position of intelligence minister, arguably the most coveted post in the entire cabinet. In this case, as of a year and a half ago, Ahmadinejad knew he wasn't yet strong enough to exert full control. He thus agreed to a compromise candidate, the wily Moslehi, a cleric with links to the Leader's office but closer in both sensibility and vision to the up-and-coming young hardliners.
If the Supreme Leader had hoped that Ahmadinejad's insatiable appetite for power would be assuaged by having a broadly like-minded hardliner at the helm of the ministry, he was sorely mistaken. The post is too valuable an asset, and observers believe Ahmadinejad will not rest content until he has full control over the ministry.
This is not hard to understand given the pervasive presence of the Intelligence Ministry in every facet of life in the Islamic Republic and the incriminating information held in its vaults on one and every politician in the land.
Of particular interest to the presidential camp would be information on the top members of Ahmadinejad's coterie, starting with the president himself. For example, it is believed that the Intelligence Ministry is in possession of a thick file on Ahmadinejad's shenanigans when he was chosen as the right's favored candidate in the race for governor of Ardabil province nearly 20 years ago. Observers cite that engineered victory as the true start of Ahmadinejad's meteoric rise to national politics. Aside from that prize dossier, parliamentary elections are less than a year off and the files on aspirant candidates are in high demand by each contending faction.
The First Skirmish
In the grand contest for control of the Intelligence Ministry, Ahmadinejad's first volleys were fired within days of the birth of the protest movement following the June 2009 presidential election. At the time, he claimed that the ministry under Gholam-Hossein Mohseni Ejei had failed, dismally, to predict the outbreak of protests and then to finger the real culprits in the so-called "sedition." According to a speech by Safar Harandi, former culture minister and now an Ahmadinejad adversary, the president leveled three distinct charges at the Intelligence Ministry: (1) failure to predict the "sedition," (2) failure to produce evidence of a foreign link to it, and (3) failure to demonstrate the culpability of "certain elite members" (code language for Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani). Ahmadinejad cited information from Guard intelligence to back up his charges, some of it apparently dating from before the 2009 campaign.
In retrospect, it was rather disingenuous on the part of Ahmadinejad and his allies in the Revolutionary Guards to claim they had warned of the outbreak of "sedition" in advance of the vote. The hardliners have been warning of plots and seditions from day one on the revolutionary calendar. It is even more ludicrous to claim perspicacity when they had done absolutely nothing in anticipation of those protests themselves. But the country's hardline leadership apparently went along with the charges of dereliction of duty after the spectacular flowering of the democratic movement, the likes of which had not been seen in Iran for decades.
On the basis of those alleged shortcomings, then, Mohseni Ejei was brusquely sacked in a particularly humiliating way and Moslehi was given the job after a short interregnum. A major purge subsequently took place among the ranks of the ministry's career officers including, according to the Iranian media, five vice ministers: Firoozabadi (vice minister for technology), Haj Habibollah (culture), Moiin (internal security), Mansoorzadeh, known as Mansouri (legislative liaison), and Kharazi (counterintelligence) -- their first names were not given. Their replacements came mostly from the ministry's lower ranks and in some instances from outside it. True to form, Ahmadinejad did not consult with the Supreme Leader either on the dismissals or the replacements, as had been the practice up until then.
In the first major skirmish over the ministry, Ahmadinejad had clearly made a major score but he still had some distance to go.
A New Beginning
For his part, Moslehi immediately set about "correcting" his predecessor's alleged mistakes. The Intelligence Ministry peddled the tired line that the Green Movement was a pawn in the hands of foreigners and that Rafsanjani was somehow its principal leader and strategist. Thousands of Iranians were hounded and subjected to brutal beatings and torture in search of the chimerical "information" that would corroborate these dubious allegations. The Intelligence Ministry also joined the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence division in a feverish race to prove who could better root out dissent.
So far, what Moslehi had achieved was the stated goal of the entire hardline establishment. The affinity between the intelligence minister and Ahmadinejad was more of an ideological than a factional nature -- both were for the establishment of an extreme-right dictatorship.
Significantly, though, Moslehi seems to have followed an independent line of his own. For example, wherever it benefited him, on a whole host of issues -- like the highly damaging imputation of corruption on the part of First Vice President Mohammad Reza Rahimi or the questionable activities of the Office of the Affairs of Iranians Abroad, run from the president's office -- the Intelligence Ministry took a studiously neutral stance. In some other notable cases, like the so-called "Iranian School of Thought" (Maktabe Iran), pushed vigorously by Ahmadinejad's confidant and chief ideologue Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, Moslehi sided with the president's detractors, thus raising the ire of his boss. Like Saint Sebastian defending the faith, Mashaei is taking the arrows meant for Ahmadinejad. In the president's eyes, the distinguishing mark of loyalty to him is ineluctably fixed on the question of his son's father-in-law.
The Second Skirmish
The president's latest foray into Khamenei territory was ostensibly precipitated by the ouster of an Ahmadinejad loyalist from the Intelligence Ministry's top ranks by Moslehi. It is not clear what excuse Ahmadinejad has used this time to axe an important minister with implications for his rivalry with the Supreme Leader. Still, as in the case of former Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki, the cabinet minister had little to show for his time in the post, while his personal and professional shortcomings were abundant. Since he took office, practically all of the intelligence coups were achieved by the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence division and even the single celebrated event for which he took credit -- last February's capture of Jundallah leader Abdolmalek Rigi -- turned out to be the result of a diplomatic-military understanding between the governments of Iran and Pakistan in which Moslehi's role had been, at best, ancillary. Then in October, in his first-ever impromptu interview on Iranian television, and after much pre-event publicity, he gave an exceedingly lackluster performance that greatly disappointed pro-regime viewers and delighted the opposition.
Khamenei's Turn
In this latest skirmish, Ahmadinejad seems to have committed a rare overshoot -- he was evidently not expecting a counterattack by Khamenei. This is a novelty in terms not only of the president's tactical faux pas but also the severity of the Supreme Leader's reaction.
Of course, it remains to be seen if this is a one-off incident or the beginning of a new phase in Khamenei-Ahmadinejad relations. An inkling into this came two months ago, when the Supreme Leader paid an unannounced visit to the Intelligence Ministry's headquarters. In that meeting, the Leader went out of his way to heap praise on the ministry's personnel and give his blessing to their work. This is during a period when there have been no reports of any such visits or speeches by Khamenei to Guard intelligence personnel anywhere. Things have changed from a year and a half ago when he elevated the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence unit to the highest institutional rank it has enjoyed in nearly three decades (see below). What we are witnessing is a gradual distancing of the Leader from his traditional bases of support -- like the Revolutionary Guards -- to newer centers -- like the military and the Intelligence Ministry.
Other Surprises
On April 18, the Revolutionary Guard-run newspaper Javan (one of several outlets controlled by the Guards, each with a slightly different slant) entered the fray over the Moslehi affair by effectively accusing the Ahmadinejad faction of having nefarious designs on the Intelligence Ministry. The paper darkly warned of threats posed by what it termed "unsavory elements" intent on "taking political advantage of documents and information" kept inside the ministry "as a leverage for persuasion and coercion on certain currents and certain political personalities" -- claims likely not far from the truth.
The next day, Bakeri Online, a website connected to the Ahmadinejad faction, hit back. The website claimed that it was the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence service under Hossein Taeb that had designs on the ministry and that Moslehi had compromised his position and essentially sold out his command by hiring personnel directly from the Guards' rival intelligence organization -- claims, again, likely not far from the truth. (The website has been shut down since that date.)
Together, these two events are of great significance. Until now, differences between Ahmadinejad and the Revolutionary Guards have been completely disregarded or papered over by both sides. It is highly unlikely that the row between the two ascending power centers will spiral out of control anytime soon since both sides needs the other as a counterweight against their respective adversaries. Still, there is no denying that relations between the two sides have undergone a qualitative change unlike any seen in the years before the Moslehi affair.
Intelligence Wars
Parallel with the latest head-to-head clash between the Supreme Leader and Ahmadinejad lurks a second, no less critical, conflict among Iran's top power centers: the 30-year rivalry between the Intelligence Ministry and the intelligence operation of the Revolutionary Guards.
While rivalry among intelligence services is common in every country (the conflict between the CIA and the Pentagon's intelligence service, for example, is well-documented in Bob Woodward's books on the Bush White House), due to the power that these organizations wield there are usually safeguards against openly hostile attacks by one service on the other. These rely either on the force of the law or the presence of a powerful autocrat. Not so in the Islamic Republic.
In autumn 2009, Khamenei approved a series of crucial -- some might say momentous -- personnel and structural changes affecting the Revolutionary Guards and the country as a whole. In appreciation of the successful work done by the Revolutionary Guards and the paramilitary Basij force against unarmed civilians in the streets of Tehran that summer, he elevated the Basij by combining it with the ground forces of the Revolutionary Guards, effectively making it the Guards' fifth branch. He also did something else that for intelligence watchers in Iran was of a historic nature. He raised the status of the Guards' intelligence unit from "directorate" (moavenat sepah) to full-fledged "organization." In so doing, he single-handedly contravened both the spirit and the letter of an important law that had Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's imprimatur. The August 1983 Law on Intelligence is one of the most important pieces of legislation enacted in postrevolutionary Iran. Ratified after a bruising battle with the Revolutionary Guards and their supporters, the law specifically forbade the Guards to operate an intelligence "organization," as it previously had. The Law on Intelligence promulgated the creation of an Intelligence Ministry under the control of the elected government.
As is clear from news reports of the time, Khomeini and factions operating under the "Imam's Line" rubric were of the conviction that a military outfit like the Revolutionary Guards should not be accorded intelligence capabilities beyond what was absolutely necessary for its military needs and functioning. Understandably, Mohsen Rezaei, then head of the Revolutionary Guards, and Reza Saifollahi, then Guard intelligence chief, strongly opposed the new law. In the end, they lost as over two-thirds of the Majles deputies voted in favor of the legislation.
It is ironic that the same Khamenei who has peremptorily broken the 1983 law was in fact one of the central backers of the legislation when various factions were lobbying the Majles over it. According to Saiid Hajarian, then Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi's legislative representative (who later paid with an assassin's bullet for this and other infractions), Khamenei, president at the time, argued for the bill because he felt that without the executive exercising control over intelligence and budgeting, nothing could be accomplished in the country.
Blow to the Intelligence Ministry
Aside from the legal and political niceties, the 2009 change bode ill for the Intelligence Ministry. In the Hobbesian world of Islamic Republic politics, where gains made by one group do not come ex nihilo, the new power and prerogatives bestowed by the Supreme Leader on Guard intelligence meant a corresponding diminution of the Intelligence Ministry's power. Today, as the Iranian media report great confusion and consternation among ministry personnel, moral at its rival organization is reportedly running at an all-time high. There have been countless cases in the past two years where the two outfits have clashed over operations and responsibilities, and the Guards have taken the upper hand, leaving their weaker rival in the dust.
The Revolutionary Guards' intelligence organization has been grabbing bigger budgets, broader jurisdiction, and greater official accolades since Mohammad Khatami was elected president in 1997. With Khamenei's blessing, the trend has accelerated to the point that, despite its much smaller size, it now rivals and even eclipses its civilian competitor in many regards. (After his landslide victory, Khatami undertook a purge of some Intelligence Ministry personnel guilty of murder and torture, and brought a semblance of legality to the largely unaccountable ministry -- thus prompting the hardliners to raise the profile of an alternative intelligence outfit.)
Historians would no doubt have a field day examining Moslehi's role in the ministry's decline. In his acceptance speech on the Majles floor in 2009, he said he wanted to "use the experience of the Sepah [Revolutionary Guards]" for his ministry. Aside from the illegality of the suggestion -- the Law on Intelligence strictly forbids either service to interfere in the affairs of the other -- it was a severe blow to the morale of those serving in the ministry. Moslehi could hardly have been unaware of the Law on Intelligence's prohibition against tampering with each service's independence. Bakeri Online's claim that Moselhi has directly recruited from the Revolutionary Guards' intelligence unit is credible, especially given the fact that he served for years as the Leader's representative to the Basij. The claim is also in full accord with the general cannibalization of valuable assets by the Revolutionary Guards.
There is no knowing what the immediate future holds for the badgered ministry, but one thing is for certain: Given the prevailing conditions -- a lame-duck and apparently disliked minister at the helm, a ruthless and power-hungry rival, its emergence as a target for factional political abuse, and the general degradation of its duties per the dictates of an unpopular and brutal regime -- the Intelligence Ministry will witness only further erosion and decline. On April 20, several hardline Majles deputies introduced legislation to change its status from a "ministry" to a mere "organization," thus proposing to do away with the 1983 law altogether.
Thursday, April 21, 2011
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
No News on Mousavi as Father Passes Away
Sad news to report on the passing of Mir Hussein Mousavi' Father:
It has been reported that since the house arrest of his son, Mir Esmail Mousavi who was accustomed to regular weekly visits by Mousavi, was continuously asking about his son's well being and whereabouts. In the more than 45 days that Mir Hossein Mousavi has been under house arrest, he was only allowed visitation with his ailing father once and under very tight security conditions when he and his wife Zahra Rahnavard were allowed a short visit with Mir Esmail in his room, with the presence of three male security officers and one female security officer. It is worth mentioning that, the presence of so many security personnel did not go unnoticed by the elder Mousavi.
This as there has been little information about his condition:
Except for a short phone call from Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard on the first day of New Persian Year to their family, there have been no other contacts or visitations; and the security forces prevented their daughters to meet with them.
Despite the efforts by the daughters of Mousavi and Rahnavard and their repeated attempts to visit with their parents at their home, located in Pasteur street (south of Tehran) where it is believed that they are being under illegal arrest since New Persian Year, security forces have been preventing them from meeting or having any kind of contact with their parents.
In these attempts which happened many times after the New Persian Year, not only the daughters of Mousavi and Rahnavard were banned from meeting with their parents or even learn about the wellbeing and situation of them, but also in some cases they were harassed and insulted by security forces. Following these illegal and inhumane restrictions, the daughters of Mousavi and Rahnavard tried to inform their parents about the wellbeing of the members of the family and their messages by shouting, with the hope that they could hear their voice.
The only considerable new development in the recent days has been the placement of new Iron bars in the alley where Mousavi’s home is located, which are assumed to be installed to the doors and windows of their residence. Also as it can be seen from the photo above a new Iron barrier has been installed at the entrance of the alley which cannot be seen from outside.
The continuation of lack of information about the situation of Mousavi and Rahnavard, increases the concerns about their wellbeing, quality of food they are given, the permanent location there are being held and their access to the basic necessities of life.
It is also noteworthy to consider that to this time no official organization or authority has accepted the responsibility of the illegal and inhuman arrest of Mousavi, Karroubi and their wives.
It has been reported that since the house arrest of his son, Mir Esmail Mousavi who was accustomed to regular weekly visits by Mousavi, was continuously asking about his son's well being and whereabouts. In the more than 45 days that Mir Hossein Mousavi has been under house arrest, he was only allowed visitation with his ailing father once and under very tight security conditions when he and his wife Zahra Rahnavard were allowed a short visit with Mir Esmail in his room, with the presence of three male security officers and one female security officer. It is worth mentioning that, the presence of so many security personnel did not go unnoticed by the elder Mousavi.
This as there has been little information about his condition:
Except for a short phone call from Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard on the first day of New Persian Year to their family, there have been no other contacts or visitations; and the security forces prevented their daughters to meet with them.
Despite the efforts by the daughters of Mousavi and Rahnavard and their repeated attempts to visit with their parents at their home, located in Pasteur street (south of Tehran) where it is believed that they are being under illegal arrest since New Persian Year, security forces have been preventing them from meeting or having any kind of contact with their parents.
In these attempts which happened many times after the New Persian Year, not only the daughters of Mousavi and Rahnavard were banned from meeting with their parents or even learn about the wellbeing and situation of them, but also in some cases they were harassed and insulted by security forces. Following these illegal and inhumane restrictions, the daughters of Mousavi and Rahnavard tried to inform their parents about the wellbeing of the members of the family and their messages by shouting, with the hope that they could hear their voice.
The only considerable new development in the recent days has been the placement of new Iron bars in the alley where Mousavi’s home is located, which are assumed to be installed to the doors and windows of their residence. Also as it can be seen from the photo above a new Iron barrier has been installed at the entrance of the alley which cannot be seen from outside.
The continuation of lack of information about the situation of Mousavi and Rahnavard, increases the concerns about their wellbeing, quality of food they are given, the permanent location there are being held and their access to the basic necessities of life.
It is also noteworthy to consider that to this time no official organization or authority has accepted the responsibility of the illegal and inhuman arrest of Mousavi, Karroubi and their wives.
Monday, March 21, 2011
Obama's Nowruz Message
"Though times may seem dark, I want you to know that I am with you" - President Obama
Persian transcript of his comments.
Sunday, March 6, 2011
Grand Ayatollah Ardabili Blasts Regime
Grand Ayatollah Seyyed Abdolkarim Mousavi Ardabili has said some major criticisms of the government:
"Without a doubt the experience of the Iranian nation over the past 30 years can be a strong basis for lessons to be taught to the popular movements.... It is regrettable and sad, however, that what is done by some in the name of defending Islam and Islamic government is against the religion, the law, morality, and human rights, and threatens the spirit of justice, search for the truth, and freedom that must be the basis for any government that is based on Islamic teachings.
No Islamic law allows insults and baseless accusations against any person or any group, even if guilt has been proven in a just court. But under the current conditions in the country, we witness that making insults and baseless accusations is becoming a common and widespread process. All sorts of people, with or without authority, allow themselves to insult persons and groups fearlessly and with impunity, without the guilt [of the accused] being proven in a qualified court and sentence decided by it, prosecuting them in advance and even issuing verdicts, while they see themselves as immune from the consequences of such actions. Undoubtedly, this hazard is a fire that, if not controlled, will spread and not only shake the people's trust, but also create chaos in the society and a dark outlook.
It is hoped that the respected officials and the honorable nation of Iran, recalling the Islamic values, will make execution of justice accompanied by kindness, respect, and attention to the religious and lawful rights of the people their top priority; that old friends will make peace; and that the history of [people's] struggle and service [on behalf of the nation] will not be forgotten, in order to prevent the country from becoming a place for both domestic and foreign opportunists."
"Without a doubt the experience of the Iranian nation over the past 30 years can be a strong basis for lessons to be taught to the popular movements.... It is regrettable and sad, however, that what is done by some in the name of defending Islam and Islamic government is against the religion, the law, morality, and human rights, and threatens the spirit of justice, search for the truth, and freedom that must be the basis for any government that is based on Islamic teachings.
No Islamic law allows insults and baseless accusations against any person or any group, even if guilt has been proven in a just court. But under the current conditions in the country, we witness that making insults and baseless accusations is becoming a common and widespread process. All sorts of people, with or without authority, allow themselves to insult persons and groups fearlessly and with impunity, without the guilt [of the accused] being proven in a qualified court and sentence decided by it, prosecuting them in advance and even issuing verdicts, while they see themselves as immune from the consequences of such actions. Undoubtedly, this hazard is a fire that, if not controlled, will spread and not only shake the people's trust, but also create chaos in the society and a dark outlook.
It is hoped that the respected officials and the honorable nation of Iran, recalling the Islamic values, will make execution of justice accompanied by kindness, respect, and attention to the religious and lawful rights of the people their top priority; that old friends will make peace; and that the history of [people's] struggle and service [on behalf of the nation] will not be forgotten, in order to prevent the country from becoming a place for both domestic and foreign opportunists."
Tuesday, March 1, 2011
Shouts of God is Great
Even as the regime arrested Mousavi and Karroubi, shouts of God is Great still are heard in Iran tonight.
Mousavi and Karroubi Arrested
The regime has finally made good their threat and arrested Mousavi, Karroubi, and their wives. Here is the story:
2009 Iranian Presidential candidates and leaders of Iran’s reformist opposition movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi and their spouses Zahra Rahnavard and Fatemeh Karroubi have been arrested and transferred to Heshmatiyeh prison in Tehran, according to the Kaleme website. Information on the time and date of the transfer is not yet available.
The government of the Islamic Republic of Iran had remained silent on the recent restrictions on Mousavi and Karroubi until today when the General Prosecutor, Mohseni Eje’i released a statement to confirm the news of house arrest. He did not mention or make reference to the news of the prison transfer.
According to Kaleme, the daughters of Mir Hossein Mousavi made repeated attempts to visit their parents but received no results or answers. Additionally, over the past few days, the lights in the Mousavi and Karroubi households were turned off.
Kaleme explains that there is a possibility that the families of the reformist leaders were denied contact in order for the transfer location to be kept a secret.
Yesterday, one of Mehdi Karroubi’s sons told Saham News that a neighbour confirmed to him that the security forces had transferred his father and mother to an undisclosed location. He said, “…I spoke with one of the neighbors who witnessed the transfer…” The neighbour reported that on late Thursday night, eight regime security vans were parked in the outside area of the building complex, and after a few minutes, the vans drove away.
2009 Iranian Presidential candidates and leaders of Iran’s reformist opposition movement, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi and their spouses Zahra Rahnavard and Fatemeh Karroubi have been arrested and transferred to Heshmatiyeh prison in Tehran, according to the Kaleme website. Information on the time and date of the transfer is not yet available.
The government of the Islamic Republic of Iran had remained silent on the recent restrictions on Mousavi and Karroubi until today when the General Prosecutor, Mohseni Eje’i released a statement to confirm the news of house arrest. He did not mention or make reference to the news of the prison transfer.
According to Kaleme, the daughters of Mir Hossein Mousavi made repeated attempts to visit their parents but received no results or answers. Additionally, over the past few days, the lights in the Mousavi and Karroubi households were turned off.
Kaleme explains that there is a possibility that the families of the reformist leaders were denied contact in order for the transfer location to be kept a secret.
Yesterday, one of Mehdi Karroubi’s sons told Saham News that a neighbour confirmed to him that the security forces had transferred his father and mother to an undisclosed location. He said, “…I spoke with one of the neighbors who witnessed the transfer…” The neighbour reported that on late Thursday night, eight regime security vans were parked in the outside area of the building complex, and after a few minutes, the vans drove away.
Sunday, February 27, 2011
Mousavi and Karroubi Placed in "Safe House"
The house of arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi entered a new stage with the two and their wives put in a "safe house" that is really basically a prison. Here is more on the story:
Iranian opposition leaders Mir Hossein Moussavi and Mehdi Karrubi and their wives were placed in a "safe house" for their own welfare, but they have not been arrested, Iranian government sources told CNN Saturday.
"The opposition movement is very much looking for martyrs so if this is true it's for their own safety," one source told CNN.
The pro-reform opposition movement "is always looking for an excuse to create something, so this may be done to keep someone from doing something to them," the source added.
But the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran expressed concern for the safety of the leaders and their wives.
"Moussavi and Karrubi and their wives have been disappeared; they are being held incommunicado in an unknown location, a severe breach of Iranian and international law," Aaron Rhodes, a spokesman for the campaign, said in a statement.
"Given the lynch mob-like calls for their execution by numerous Iranian politicians and clerics, there is reason to be deeply concerned for their safety and well-being," Rhodes said.
State-run Press TV aired video of Iranian lawmakers earlier this month chanting, "Moussavi, Karrubi ... execute them."
The human rights organization also pointed out that "a 'safe house' is considered a place for the secret detention of high security-value detainees, which is not under the control of the judiciary or any other monitoring mechanisms. The Revolutionary Guards and Iranian intelligence agencies are well-known for using safe houses for all methods and techniques to get confessions from detainees without scrutiny or pressure from other legal bodies."
"Given the use of so-called safe houses to mistreat opponents of the government in the past, the campaign finds it deeply disturbing that Moussavi and Karrubi have reportedly been removed to such a facility," the statement said.
Iranian authorities began rounding up many government opponents this month amid calls for protests like those that have swept across North Africa and the Middle East.
Iranian leaders have praised the revolution that overthrew Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, but when protesters in Iran took to the streets of Tehran on February 14, the government cracked down hard. The Iranian government rounded up activists ahead of the protests after Karrubi and Moussavi called for supporters to gather at Azadi Square -- the site of mass protests by Iran's opposition movement after the disputed 2009 presidential elections.
Despite the security crackdown, tens of thousands of demonstrators marched in Tehran. Dozens of demonstrators were detained during those protests, while videos posted on YouTube showed others had been chased and beaten.
One person was shot and killed during the protests, according to Iran's semiofficial Fars news agency. Several others were injured and listed in serious condition as a result of the shooting, which the Iranian government blamed on "agitators and seditionists."
The Iranian government source claimed Saturday that Iranians are disturbed by the opposition's demonstrations.
"The people are not happy with these protests and these people (Moussavi and Karrubi) making announcements for more protests. The people believe their peace is being disrupted and they want these protests to stop," the source said.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Wednesday accused Iran of a repressive crackdown on protesters and political opponents in the past 10 days, including the killing of peaceful demonstrators by security forces.
International journalists have been limited in their ability to gather news in Iran, where the government has cracked down on the media and maintains tight control of state-run news organizations. During the protests earlier this month, foreign journalists were denied visas, accredited journalists living in the country were restricted from covering the demonstrations, and internet speed slowed to a crawl in an apparent attempt to restrict information from being transmitted out of the country.
Iranian opposition leaders Mir Hossein Moussavi and Mehdi Karrubi and their wives were placed in a "safe house" for their own welfare, but they have not been arrested, Iranian government sources told CNN Saturday.
"The opposition movement is very much looking for martyrs so if this is true it's for their own safety," one source told CNN.
The pro-reform opposition movement "is always looking for an excuse to create something, so this may be done to keep someone from doing something to them," the source added.
But the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran expressed concern for the safety of the leaders and their wives.
"Moussavi and Karrubi and their wives have been disappeared; they are being held incommunicado in an unknown location, a severe breach of Iranian and international law," Aaron Rhodes, a spokesman for the campaign, said in a statement.
"Given the lynch mob-like calls for their execution by numerous Iranian politicians and clerics, there is reason to be deeply concerned for their safety and well-being," Rhodes said.
State-run Press TV aired video of Iranian lawmakers earlier this month chanting, "Moussavi, Karrubi ... execute them."
The human rights organization also pointed out that "a 'safe house' is considered a place for the secret detention of high security-value detainees, which is not under the control of the judiciary or any other monitoring mechanisms. The Revolutionary Guards and Iranian intelligence agencies are well-known for using safe houses for all methods and techniques to get confessions from detainees without scrutiny or pressure from other legal bodies."
"Given the use of so-called safe houses to mistreat opponents of the government in the past, the campaign finds it deeply disturbing that Moussavi and Karrubi have reportedly been removed to such a facility," the statement said.
Iranian authorities began rounding up many government opponents this month amid calls for protests like those that have swept across North Africa and the Middle East.
Iranian leaders have praised the revolution that overthrew Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, but when protesters in Iran took to the streets of Tehran on February 14, the government cracked down hard. The Iranian government rounded up activists ahead of the protests after Karrubi and Moussavi called for supporters to gather at Azadi Square -- the site of mass protests by Iran's opposition movement after the disputed 2009 presidential elections.
Despite the security crackdown, tens of thousands of demonstrators marched in Tehran. Dozens of demonstrators were detained during those protests, while videos posted on YouTube showed others had been chased and beaten.
One person was shot and killed during the protests, according to Iran's semiofficial Fars news agency. Several others were injured and listed in serious condition as a result of the shooting, which the Iranian government blamed on "agitators and seditionists."
The Iranian government source claimed Saturday that Iranians are disturbed by the opposition's demonstrations.
"The people are not happy with these protests and these people (Moussavi and Karrubi) making announcements for more protests. The people believe their peace is being disrupted and they want these protests to stop," the source said.
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on Wednesday accused Iran of a repressive crackdown on protesters and political opponents in the past 10 days, including the killing of peaceful demonstrators by security forces.
International journalists have been limited in their ability to gather news in Iran, where the government has cracked down on the media and maintains tight control of state-run news organizations. During the protests earlier this month, foreign journalists were denied visas, accredited journalists living in the country were restricted from covering the demonstrations, and internet speed slowed to a crawl in an apparent attempt to restrict information from being transmitted out of the country.
Saturday, February 26, 2011
Calls for Protests
Calls for protest on Tuesday to opposed illegal house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi
In the name of God the Merciful,
Following the warnings by the social and political organizations within the Green movement and in particular by the passionate reformist youth within the Green movement to the authoritarian government of Iran regarding the continued, illegal house arrest of the leaders of the Green Movement Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi and their spouses, the Council for the Coordination of the Green Path of Hope in keeping with the legitimate demands of the nation of Iran, invites all freedom seeking citizens to protest the continued house arrest and imprisonment of the leaders of the Green Movement, this Tuesday, March 1st, 2011 [10 Esfand 1389], coinciding with the birthday of the great Mir Hossein of the Green Movement. The demonstrations will begin at 5:00pm and we will gather and march from Imam Hossein to Azadi Square [in Tehran] chanting "Ya Hossein... Mir Hossein" and "Ya Mehdi, Sheikh Medi", raising our voices to demand the release of our Green leaders. The demonstrations will also take place in the main squares across other major cities in Iran.
In the event that our voices are silenced and the illegal house arrest and imprisonment of the Green leaders continues, in addition to other methods [of civil disobedience] to be announced by the Council in its next statement, we are also calling upon all Green companions to participate in decentralized, nation-wide protest on Tuesday March 15th, 2011 [24 Esgand 1389] coinciding with ChaharShanbe Souri. During this undoubtedly difficult time, we ask all Green supporters to continue focusing on raising awareness [within our society] and to patiently endure the hardship and ill-treatment imposed upon us by the coup forces in power; hardships designed to continue the dire status quo and impose tyranny on the people of our nation. Together we will find a new path and better future for all Iranians, ensuring that our long traditions and the divine right throughout our history to be victorious and demand justice continues.
The Council for the Coordination of the Green Path of Hope
ا حسین میرحسین، یا مهدی شیخ مهدی
بیانیه شماره ۴ شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید؛ فراخوان راهپیمایی
جمعه, ۶ اسفند, ۱۳۸۹
چکیده :شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید با انتشار بیانیه ای و در پاسخ به فراخوان جوانان، تشکل های سیاسی واجتماعی از مردم دعوت کرد تا در روز ۱۰ اسفند که همزمان با شب تولد میر حسین موسوی است، در اعتراض به حصر و زندان خانگی غیر قانونی همراهان مردم ایران، از میدان امام حسین تا میدان...
شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید با انتشار بیانیه ای و در پاسخ به فراخوان جوانان، تشکل های سیاسی واجتماعی از مردم دعوت کرد تا در روز ۱۰ اسفند که همزمان با شب تولد میر حسین موسوی است، در اعتراض به حصر و زندان خانگی غیر قانونی همراهان مردم ایران، از میدان امام حسین تا میدان آزادی در تهران و در تمام میادین اصلی در شهرستانها فریاد” یا حسین میرحسین”،” یا مهدی، شیخ مهدی” را طنین انداز کنند.
متن کامل بیانیه به شرح زیر است:
بسم الله الرحمن الرحیم
در پی هشدار شبکه های اجتماعی، تشکلهای سیاسی جنبش سبز و بویژه جوانان پرشور اصلاح طلب به اقتدار گرایان حاکم بر کشور برای رفع حصر غیرقانونی رهبران جنبش سبز آقایان موسوی و کروبی و همسرانشان ، شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید در همراهی با این خواست مشروع و قانونی همگان را دعوت می نماید که دراعتراض به ادامه حصر و زندان خانگی رهبران جنبش روز سه شنبه ۱۰ اسفند، که مصادف با شب تولد میر بزرگوار جنبش است، از ساعت ۵ بعداز ظهر دست به تجمع و راهپیمایی از میدان امام حسین بسوی میدان آزادی با شعارهای «یا حسین ، میرحسین» و « یا مهدی ، شیخ مهدی» زنند و بدین وسیله صدای خود را برای آزادی رهبران سبزمان به گوش حاکمیت برسانند.در شهرستانها تظاهرات در میادین و خیابانهای اصلی برگزار خواهد شد
در صورتی که صدای اعتراض ما شنیده نشود و حصر و زندان خانگی غیرقانونی رهبران ادامه یابد, علاوه بر راه کارهای مناسب دیگر که شورا در اطلاعیه های بعدی خود پیشنهاد خواهد کرد, از هم اکنون همراهان سبز ر ا دعوت به تجمعات اعتراضی غیر متمرکز در سراسر کشور در روز ۲۴ اسفند می کنیم و در همه این ایام از باورمندان به جنبش سبز خواهانیم که به آگاهی بخشی هرچه بیشتر در درون جامعه پرداخته و با صبر و استقامت و در صفوف هماهنگ در مقابل سختی ها و ناملایمانی که از سوی اصحاب قدرت و کودتا برای تداوم وضعیت نامطلوب کنونی وتحمیل استبداد اعمال می شود راه عبور بسوی آینده و فردای بهتر را برای همه ایرانیان باز نمایند و مطمئن باشند که سنت الهی و تقدیر تاریخ بر پیروزی حق طلبان و عدالت خواهان قرار دارد.
شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید
In the name of God the Merciful,
Following the warnings by the social and political organizations within the Green movement and in particular by the passionate reformist youth within the Green movement to the authoritarian government of Iran regarding the continued, illegal house arrest of the leaders of the Green Movement Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi and their spouses, the Council for the Coordination of the Green Path of Hope in keeping with the legitimate demands of the nation of Iran, invites all freedom seeking citizens to protest the continued house arrest and imprisonment of the leaders of the Green Movement, this Tuesday, March 1st, 2011 [10 Esfand 1389], coinciding with the birthday of the great Mir Hossein of the Green Movement. The demonstrations will begin at 5:00pm and we will gather and march from Imam Hossein to Azadi Square [in Tehran] chanting "Ya Hossein... Mir Hossein" and "Ya Mehdi, Sheikh Medi", raising our voices to demand the release of our Green leaders. The demonstrations will also take place in the main squares across other major cities in Iran.
In the event that our voices are silenced and the illegal house arrest and imprisonment of the Green leaders continues, in addition to other methods [of civil disobedience] to be announced by the Council in its next statement, we are also calling upon all Green companions to participate in decentralized, nation-wide protest on Tuesday March 15th, 2011 [24 Esgand 1389] coinciding with ChaharShanbe Souri. During this undoubtedly difficult time, we ask all Green supporters to continue focusing on raising awareness [within our society] and to patiently endure the hardship and ill-treatment imposed upon us by the coup forces in power; hardships designed to continue the dire status quo and impose tyranny on the people of our nation. Together we will find a new path and better future for all Iranians, ensuring that our long traditions and the divine right throughout our history to be victorious and demand justice continues.
The Council for the Coordination of the Green Path of Hope
ا حسین میرحسین، یا مهدی شیخ مهدی
بیانیه شماره ۴ شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید؛ فراخوان راهپیمایی
جمعه, ۶ اسفند, ۱۳۸۹
چکیده :شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید با انتشار بیانیه ای و در پاسخ به فراخوان جوانان، تشکل های سیاسی واجتماعی از مردم دعوت کرد تا در روز ۱۰ اسفند که همزمان با شب تولد میر حسین موسوی است، در اعتراض به حصر و زندان خانگی غیر قانونی همراهان مردم ایران، از میدان امام حسین تا میدان...
شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید با انتشار بیانیه ای و در پاسخ به فراخوان جوانان، تشکل های سیاسی واجتماعی از مردم دعوت کرد تا در روز ۱۰ اسفند که همزمان با شب تولد میر حسین موسوی است، در اعتراض به حصر و زندان خانگی غیر قانونی همراهان مردم ایران، از میدان امام حسین تا میدان آزادی در تهران و در تمام میادین اصلی در شهرستانها فریاد” یا حسین میرحسین”،” یا مهدی، شیخ مهدی” را طنین انداز کنند.
متن کامل بیانیه به شرح زیر است:
بسم الله الرحمن الرحیم
در پی هشدار شبکه های اجتماعی، تشکلهای سیاسی جنبش سبز و بویژه جوانان پرشور اصلاح طلب به اقتدار گرایان حاکم بر کشور برای رفع حصر غیرقانونی رهبران جنبش سبز آقایان موسوی و کروبی و همسرانشان ، شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید در همراهی با این خواست مشروع و قانونی همگان را دعوت می نماید که دراعتراض به ادامه حصر و زندان خانگی رهبران جنبش روز سه شنبه ۱۰ اسفند، که مصادف با شب تولد میر بزرگوار جنبش است، از ساعت ۵ بعداز ظهر دست به تجمع و راهپیمایی از میدان امام حسین بسوی میدان آزادی با شعارهای «یا حسین ، میرحسین» و « یا مهدی ، شیخ مهدی» زنند و بدین وسیله صدای خود را برای آزادی رهبران سبزمان به گوش حاکمیت برسانند.در شهرستانها تظاهرات در میادین و خیابانهای اصلی برگزار خواهد شد
در صورتی که صدای اعتراض ما شنیده نشود و حصر و زندان خانگی غیرقانونی رهبران ادامه یابد, علاوه بر راه کارهای مناسب دیگر که شورا در اطلاعیه های بعدی خود پیشنهاد خواهد کرد, از هم اکنون همراهان سبز ر ا دعوت به تجمعات اعتراضی غیر متمرکز در سراسر کشور در روز ۲۴ اسفند می کنیم و در همه این ایام از باورمندان به جنبش سبز خواهانیم که به آگاهی بخشی هرچه بیشتر در درون جامعه پرداخته و با صبر و استقامت و در صفوف هماهنگ در مقابل سختی ها و ناملایمانی که از سوی اصحاب قدرت و کودتا برای تداوم وضعیت نامطلوب کنونی وتحمیل استبداد اعمال می شود راه عبور بسوی آینده و فردای بهتر را برای همه ایرانیان باز نمایند و مطمئن باشند که سنت الهی و تقدیر تاریخ بر پیروزی حق طلبان و عدالت خواهان قرار دارد.
شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید
Karroubi Video From House Arrest
This video footage was taken with the help of Fatemeh Karroubi, Mehdi Karroubi’s wife, just before the security forces made their final move to complete the house arrest: Raided Karroubi’s residence, locked up Mehdi Karroubi and Fetemeh Karroubi in separate rooms, searched their home, confiscated their books and documents, changed all the locks and arrested their son Ali; since then there is absolutely no information regarding their wellbeing. In this video Mehdi Karroubi once again stressed that he will stand with the people till the very end. Mehdi Karroubi said: “We are standing firm in defending people’s rights and we must stand with iron will in the path we believe in and I am sure that victory, prosperity and redemption are ours. We are standing firm in defending people’s rights and we will honor our promise we gave to the people. The government should be from and for the people. We always have said that it is the people and the people’s vote which should determine their destiny not whatever the rulers say. Government must be based on people’s choice and vote. And in this path that we have chosen we will overcome all hardships and sufferings as they are sweet rather than bitter.”
Wednesday, February 23, 2011
Grand Ayatollah Khorasani Blasts Regime
Grand Ayatollah Hossein Vahid Khorasani gave a speech in which he deeply criticized the behavior of the regime. Here is the report:
In a speech to thousands of people in the Grand Mosque of Qom, Grand Ayatollah Hossein Vahid Khorasani, the most important Shiite Marja' living in Iran, severely criticized the judiciary for turning arrests and jailing into a normal and common practice in Iran, disregarding slamic teachings regarding imprisonment. He said that only "a true Faghih (Islamic scholar that can properly deduce instructions from Islamic teachings) who has understood the depth of Islamic teachings knows when jailing someone is allowed and why jailing is such a severe punishment, and [because] the basis of religion is people's freedom and jailing them and taking them away from their families and society is a severe punishment, the cases for which jailing is allowed has been carefully laid out."
Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani is father-in-law of the judiciary chief Sadegh Larijani. He has reportedly told his son-in-law that not only is he not qualified to lead the judiciary, but that he should resign under the present terrible conditions. He has consistently refused to meet with Ayatollah Khamenei wherever he travels to Qom, and reportedly told him many years ago that, "You be the king, and leave Feghahat to others," hence questioning his religious credentials. Just before the February 14 demonstrations, he met with families of imprisoned political figures, expressed his sympathies and declared that, "We have no relations with them [the hardliners]." In meeting with these families he has repeatedly made statements that clearly indicate that he does not believe his son-in-law is qualified or even fair minded enough to lead the judiciary.
The day after the February 14 demonstrations, classes taught by Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani were forced to be canceled by the followers of Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, the reactionary cleric and spiritual advisor to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. They apparently wanted to make it look like Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani had canceled his classes to protest the demonstrations the day before, but it became quickly clear that it was the work of Mesbah Yazdi's followers.
Ayatollah Vahid Khoarsani's criticism is clearly directed first and foremost at Ayatollah Khamenei, who appoints the clerics to all the important judicial posts, and then his own son-in-law, hence questioning the legitimacy of both as well as their religious credentials.
In a speech to thousands of people in the Grand Mosque of Qom, Grand Ayatollah Hossein Vahid Khorasani, the most important Shiite Marja' living in Iran, severely criticized the judiciary for turning arrests and jailing into a normal and common practice in Iran, disregarding slamic teachings regarding imprisonment. He said that only "a true Faghih (Islamic scholar that can properly deduce instructions from Islamic teachings) who has understood the depth of Islamic teachings knows when jailing someone is allowed and why jailing is such a severe punishment, and [because] the basis of religion is people's freedom and jailing them and taking them away from their families and society is a severe punishment, the cases for which jailing is allowed has been carefully laid out."
Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani is father-in-law of the judiciary chief Sadegh Larijani. He has reportedly told his son-in-law that not only is he not qualified to lead the judiciary, but that he should resign under the present terrible conditions. He has consistently refused to meet with Ayatollah Khamenei wherever he travels to Qom, and reportedly told him many years ago that, "You be the king, and leave Feghahat to others," hence questioning his religious credentials. Just before the February 14 demonstrations, he met with families of imprisoned political figures, expressed his sympathies and declared that, "We have no relations with them [the hardliners]." In meeting with these families he has repeatedly made statements that clearly indicate that he does not believe his son-in-law is qualified or even fair minded enough to lead the judiciary.
The day after the February 14 demonstrations, classes taught by Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani were forced to be canceled by the followers of Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, the reactionary cleric and spiritual advisor to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. They apparently wanted to make it look like Ayatollah Vahid Khorasani had canceled his classes to protest the demonstrations the day before, but it became quickly clear that it was the work of Mesbah Yazdi's followers.
Ayatollah Vahid Khoarsani's criticism is clearly directed first and foremost at Ayatollah Khamenei, who appoints the clerics to all the important judicial posts, and then his own son-in-law, hence questioning the legitimacy of both as well as their religious credentials.
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