Not content with supressing their own people, the thugs in charge of the regime are now helping the Syrian regime kills its own. Instead of giving Assad and his cronies a $5.6 billion loan, maybe they should use that money to help the Iranian people instead. More on the story:
Unfortunately, if Iran has its way, Assad won't be going anywhere anytime soon.
Iran has reportedly provided an emergency financial lifeline to the regime in the amount of $5.6 billion as billions pour out of Syrian banks by nervous depositors seeking safe haven in Beirut or Istanbul-based banks.
As I reported earlier, intelligence analysts have irrefutable proof that Iran has dispatched advisers from its domestic secret police forces (The Law Enforcement Service or LED) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRCG) to take over direct supervision of anti protest suppression.
The savage repression being committed by the joint Syrian-Iran strike forces is being directed by leadership elements of Iran's so-called volunteer marauders squad known as the Basij (those civilian clad thugs who roamed the streets of Tehran beating Iranians senseless and kidnapping protesters).
Confirming the Iranian intervention, the European Union imposed sanctions against the leadership of the IRGC and certain Syrian security forces, charging IRGC commander Mohammad Al Jafari and Al-Quds Force commander Qassem Suleimani and IRGC deputy commander for intelligence Hussein Taeb for directly providing command and control as well as logistic and equipment support to aid the Syrian regime suppress demonstrations. Not too long thereafter, the U.S. Treasury Department slapped further sanctions on key Iranian commanders aiding and abetting the crackdown against Syrian civilians.
In addition to its shock troops, Iran has also provided Syrian commanders with sophisticated road-side bombs to take out any defecting Syrian military vehicles (which Iran has also provided to Shiite militias in Iraq to be used against Americans), as well as Iranian-built sniper rifles.
According to other Middle East media reports, Iran also constructed in Syria an advanced Nokia Siemens Network (NS) devices for disrupting internal internet communications which permit Syrian forces to identify activists using social media - the same type of telecommunications interception equipment Nokia was forced to admit in 2008 that hit had sold to Iran.
Given the magnitude of Iran's direct intervention in Syria and Assad's deference to his Iranian riot-control masters, it would not be too much of a stretch to assert that Iran, rather than Syria, is largely overseeing the repression given the extensive role Iranian forces now have in putting down the revolt.
Wednesday, July 27, 2011
Tuesday, July 26, 2011
Shahroudi in the Middle
In light of the new body created to resolve disputes, Shahroudi does his best in Arabic to say "Stop Fighting"
Khamenei Ignores Expediency Counsel and Constitution
Given the ongoing conflict between Ahmadinejad and the Majlis, Khaemenei has created a body to help resolve disputes:
Iran's top leader has appointed a mediator to resolve an ongoing dispute between the president and parliament that has also challenged his own authority.
The official IRNA news agency says Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei named his ally and former judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmoud Shahroudi to head an arbitration body that will tackle controversies within the ruling system.
The only problem with this new body headed by Shahroudi? It completely ignores the existing Expediency Counsel and by extension its role in the Constitution which is to resolve disputes. Instead of turning to an existing body mandated by the Constitution to deal with a problem, Khamenei under his own authority simply creates a similiar body headed by his cronies.
The reason is obvious since Rafsanjani heads the Expediency Counsel and he has been marganialized for not completely falling behind Khamenei's power. This is just another example of how Iran is being run by the decrees of men and not by the letter of the law.
Iran's top leader has appointed a mediator to resolve an ongoing dispute between the president and parliament that has also challenged his own authority.
The official IRNA news agency says Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei named his ally and former judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmoud Shahroudi to head an arbitration body that will tackle controversies within the ruling system.
The only problem with this new body headed by Shahroudi? It completely ignores the existing Expediency Counsel and by extension its role in the Constitution which is to resolve disputes. Instead of turning to an existing body mandated by the Constitution to deal with a problem, Khamenei under his own authority simply creates a similiar body headed by his cronies.
The reason is obvious since Rafsanjani heads the Expediency Counsel and he has been marganialized for not completely falling behind Khamenei's power. This is just another example of how Iran is being run by the decrees of men and not by the letter of the law.
Monday, July 25, 2011
What Is to Be Done in Iran?
It has been over two years since protests rocked the very foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran really for the first time since the 1979 revolution that created it. In that time period, the regime has brutally suppressed all internal dissent including the house arrest of the two main leaders of the Green Movement that led the protests, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi. Yet even in this dark hour for those who want to change Iran for the better, flickers of hope are seen through the so called "Arab Spring" next door to Iran in which the people of the region have exploded in revolutionary change that is transforming their countries.
Now to be blunt given the lack of change towards substantial change in the Islamic Republic, the question turns to what is to be done in Iran?
It is easy to sit back and argue that the regime will eventually collapse because of its own internal conflicts and contradictions. Indeed the recent conflict between Supreme Leader Khamenei and President Ahmadinejad makes it seem that the regime will destroy itself. Yet it seems that conflict within the regime has sprung up only because all internal threats have gone away. Now that the ruling elite have consolidated power, they are fighting for the spoils themselves. Once the regime faces a threat, these adversarial currents in the regime will quickly unite once more to secure their power.
Thus as tempting as it might be, we cannot sit around waiting for the regime to destroy itself. Unfortunately, I feel like that is the prevailing mood among those who are understandably frustrated at the lack of progress in changing Iran. At a certain point, we must all live in normalcy and cannot devote all our time and energy to one cause when we do not see much progress. All this is understandable, but we must also live with the consequences as I have predicted that the regime will not simply collapse on its own.
If we recognize this fact and determine to once again try to bring about change, there are two options.
One is to continue on the path started in the aftermath of the June 2009 presidential election that led to such massive protests. While this movement was able to unite disparate parts of the Iranian opposition and challenge the very foundations of the regime, we cannot pretend it is the same as 2009 after two years of little change.
I believe the fundamental problem with the state of things is that the current move in to change Iran that emerged in June 2009 was created in opposition to something. Opposition to the current manifestation of the Islamic Republic and in opposition to the the stolen presidential election. This all makes perfect sense, but it was more of a spontaneous outpouring of anger at the regime as opposed to a movement to truly change Iran for decades to come.
The time has come to recognize this fact and stop thinking that we are continuing what has started in June 2009. We must start something new to truly change Iran for the better. We must not simply be in opposition to the regime, but we must also be for something else: an Iran after the current regime.
Several attempts were made after the protests of 2009 to outline general principles that the opposition stood for and that could help shape a future Iran. However, the most important questions about overall regime change and secularism were largely avoided in order to create cohesion.
I was willing to go along with this approach because I believed and still believe that in that moment in history, a big tent approach was best. The ruling elite were shaken with the power of the protests and we needed to see if things could have changed at that moment in history. Sadly it seems that approach did not work and the regime has been able to survive.
You can only sustain people's opposition for so long before if that opposition fails, the people no longer continue opposing. In order to peek the people's interest and truly inspire them, there must be a positive vision for Iran and we must propose what we are for after the current regime is gone. That is what Khomeini understood before the 1979 revolution in which created a vision for a new Islamic state in Iran. He did not simply say that the Shah must go, but he also outlined what he wanted for Iran. He was able to capture the people's attention and lead a revolution even though his experiment ended horribly wrong.
We too must capture the attention of the people of Iran by outlining more radical change and presenting a better vision for Iran. The time for small steps and simple reforms is over because the regime has been unwilling to undergo any change. Had the ruling elite been open to compromise perhaps the reforming approach may have worked, but that is not the case.
First we must not let the people believe that they must suffer the sacrifice of a revolution simply to create an Islamic Republic-lite, largely the same but just not as harsh. As well intentioned as some of the creators of the Islamic Republic of Iran were and those reformers who believe in its concept, the current regime has failed on many counts.
A new Iran will respect Islam as a core part of society for millions of Iranians and it will never be hostile to religious freedom, but it cannot be the Islamic Republic of Iran. There should be a secular, democratic, constitutional Iran with no Supreme Leader or Monarch. Elections will determine the leaders of the state and there will be an independent judiciary to hear all complaints. No one is above the law and no one has authority from God or any other source. All power is derived by the people, all power is exercised for the people. Foreign powers are not welcome to run the affairs of Iran, but neither are internal dictators who only care about their own power and wealth.
A new economic model for Iran must also be presented in which corruption is rooted out and the trillions of dollars of Iran's oil wealth will not be squandered. Everyone will have the opportunity to pursue their economic goals without harassment from the state and everyone will be guaranteed a basic standard of living. The money in the state coffers do not belong to the rulers of Iran, but they belong to the Iranian people and should be treated as such. The idea that the poor of Iran will not support a secular regime will change when they realize that it is only through a fair and democratic system will their economic situation improve not by token subsidies, but by real economic transformation.
We do not need the previous leaders of the reform opposition to approve any of these things. They must decide what type of Iran they want to live in and what side they are on. If they are not part of the future, then they must get out of the way.
All this will be hard work both to get rid of the current regime and to create an ideal Iran that we all want. We must use the internet and social media not just to vent and inform, but to organize and bring about real change. We have to create civic societies and work towards the Iran we want to create. Many have started this project with invaluable contributions, but it has felt as if we must work within the existing structure. We must remember that we create the structure of society and it does not create us.
We must move forward as if this free, democratic, and prosperous Iran will become a reality and is not just a dream. If we start to organize our people and our society in parallel to the regime, then we will eventually get to the Iran we want. In other words, we do not overthrow the regime and then build a better Iran. Instead we build a better Iran and then overthrow the regime. This will also ensure that the ensuing revolution does not get hijacked like the previous revolution.
I do not have all the answers and the solutions will not come from me or any single individual, but from you. I simply am calling for action that will fundamentally transform Iranian society from where it is now to where we want to take it.
All this sounds easy of paper, but I recognize it will be difficult to put into action. But the alternative is to live a life that is devoid of any hope for freedom, a better economy, or a better future. Tyrants come and go in Iranian history, but it is always the Iranian people and nation that will remain. A Free Green Iran is no longer a fantasy, but it exists today and going forward if we are willing to work for it.
Now to be blunt given the lack of change towards substantial change in the Islamic Republic, the question turns to what is to be done in Iran?
It is easy to sit back and argue that the regime will eventually collapse because of its own internal conflicts and contradictions. Indeed the recent conflict between Supreme Leader Khamenei and President Ahmadinejad makes it seem that the regime will destroy itself. Yet it seems that conflict within the regime has sprung up only because all internal threats have gone away. Now that the ruling elite have consolidated power, they are fighting for the spoils themselves. Once the regime faces a threat, these adversarial currents in the regime will quickly unite once more to secure their power.
Thus as tempting as it might be, we cannot sit around waiting for the regime to destroy itself. Unfortunately, I feel like that is the prevailing mood among those who are understandably frustrated at the lack of progress in changing Iran. At a certain point, we must all live in normalcy and cannot devote all our time and energy to one cause when we do not see much progress. All this is understandable, but we must also live with the consequences as I have predicted that the regime will not simply collapse on its own.
If we recognize this fact and determine to once again try to bring about change, there are two options.
One is to continue on the path started in the aftermath of the June 2009 presidential election that led to such massive protests. While this movement was able to unite disparate parts of the Iranian opposition and challenge the very foundations of the regime, we cannot pretend it is the same as 2009 after two years of little change.
I believe the fundamental problem with the state of things is that the current move in to change Iran that emerged in June 2009 was created in opposition to something. Opposition to the current manifestation of the Islamic Republic and in opposition to the the stolen presidential election. This all makes perfect sense, but it was more of a spontaneous outpouring of anger at the regime as opposed to a movement to truly change Iran for decades to come.
The time has come to recognize this fact and stop thinking that we are continuing what has started in June 2009. We must start something new to truly change Iran for the better. We must not simply be in opposition to the regime, but we must also be for something else: an Iran after the current regime.
Several attempts were made after the protests of 2009 to outline general principles that the opposition stood for and that could help shape a future Iran. However, the most important questions about overall regime change and secularism were largely avoided in order to create cohesion.
I was willing to go along with this approach because I believed and still believe that in that moment in history, a big tent approach was best. The ruling elite were shaken with the power of the protests and we needed to see if things could have changed at that moment in history. Sadly it seems that approach did not work and the regime has been able to survive.
You can only sustain people's opposition for so long before if that opposition fails, the people no longer continue opposing. In order to peek the people's interest and truly inspire them, there must be a positive vision for Iran and we must propose what we are for after the current regime is gone. That is what Khomeini understood before the 1979 revolution in which created a vision for a new Islamic state in Iran. He did not simply say that the Shah must go, but he also outlined what he wanted for Iran. He was able to capture the people's attention and lead a revolution even though his experiment ended horribly wrong.
We too must capture the attention of the people of Iran by outlining more radical change and presenting a better vision for Iran. The time for small steps and simple reforms is over because the regime has been unwilling to undergo any change. Had the ruling elite been open to compromise perhaps the reforming approach may have worked, but that is not the case.
First we must not let the people believe that they must suffer the sacrifice of a revolution simply to create an Islamic Republic-lite, largely the same but just not as harsh. As well intentioned as some of the creators of the Islamic Republic of Iran were and those reformers who believe in its concept, the current regime has failed on many counts.
A new Iran will respect Islam as a core part of society for millions of Iranians and it will never be hostile to religious freedom, but it cannot be the Islamic Republic of Iran. There should be a secular, democratic, constitutional Iran with no Supreme Leader or Monarch. Elections will determine the leaders of the state and there will be an independent judiciary to hear all complaints. No one is above the law and no one has authority from God or any other source. All power is derived by the people, all power is exercised for the people. Foreign powers are not welcome to run the affairs of Iran, but neither are internal dictators who only care about their own power and wealth.
A new economic model for Iran must also be presented in which corruption is rooted out and the trillions of dollars of Iran's oil wealth will not be squandered. Everyone will have the opportunity to pursue their economic goals without harassment from the state and everyone will be guaranteed a basic standard of living. The money in the state coffers do not belong to the rulers of Iran, but they belong to the Iranian people and should be treated as such. The idea that the poor of Iran will not support a secular regime will change when they realize that it is only through a fair and democratic system will their economic situation improve not by token subsidies, but by real economic transformation.
We do not need the previous leaders of the reform opposition to approve any of these things. They must decide what type of Iran they want to live in and what side they are on. If they are not part of the future, then they must get out of the way.
All this will be hard work both to get rid of the current regime and to create an ideal Iran that we all want. We must use the internet and social media not just to vent and inform, but to organize and bring about real change. We have to create civic societies and work towards the Iran we want to create. Many have started this project with invaluable contributions, but it has felt as if we must work within the existing structure. We must remember that we create the structure of society and it does not create us.
We must move forward as if this free, democratic, and prosperous Iran will become a reality and is not just a dream. If we start to organize our people and our society in parallel to the regime, then we will eventually get to the Iran we want. In other words, we do not overthrow the regime and then build a better Iran. Instead we build a better Iran and then overthrow the regime. This will also ensure that the ensuing revolution does not get hijacked like the previous revolution.
I do not have all the answers and the solutions will not come from me or any single individual, but from you. I simply am calling for action that will fundamentally transform Iranian society from where it is now to where we want to take it.
All this sounds easy of paper, but I recognize it will be difficult to put into action. But the alternative is to live a life that is devoid of any hope for freedom, a better economy, or a better future. Tyrants come and go in Iranian history, but it is always the Iranian people and nation that will remain. A Free Green Iran is no longer a fantasy, but it exists today and going forward if we are willing to work for it.
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