Thursday, September 22, 2011
Wednesday, September 21, 2011
Religion and the Fight for Freedom
I recently attended a discussion about the effort to spread democracy in Iran that featured a prominent exiled activist who gave his ideas about the current situation in Iran. His talk was well written and generally made good points about the state of opposition as well as what it will take to bring freedom to Iran. The discussion then opened up to the wider audience and that's when talk descended into triviality.
The main topic of contention was the role of religion both within a future Iranian state, but more broadly about the nature of Islam. Some in the audience believed that Islam was fundamentally anti-democratic and had no place in the future of Iran. The speaker felt that there are numerous iterations of Islam and the one practiced by this regime was obviously bad, but there could be a more benevolent Islamic society.
I obviously have my own opinions when it comes to these topics and my own vision for what Iran should look like in the future. Yet in a truly democratic society, everyone has their differing opinions and consensus is eventually reached through compromise. I think getting bodged down in philosophical arguments is a disservice to the cause of freedom in Iran. Our primary concern should be attaining freedom for the Iranian people and we should never forget that.
It is easy to argue and blame each other for the problems and it is a lot harder to come together for a common cause. I think we should stop our own internal bickering and focus on the goal of seeing a free and democratic Iran one day. Until that day comes, all other efforts are a distraction and play into the hands who try to keep power by ruling through division. There will be plenty of time to argue in a respectful manner when democracy comes to Iran, but until then we should work together to seek democracy under a common banner.
The only thing that matters is the people of Iran and their freedom, and we should never forget that.
The main topic of contention was the role of religion both within a future Iranian state, but more broadly about the nature of Islam. Some in the audience believed that Islam was fundamentally anti-democratic and had no place in the future of Iran. The speaker felt that there are numerous iterations of Islam and the one practiced by this regime was obviously bad, but there could be a more benevolent Islamic society.
I obviously have my own opinions when it comes to these topics and my own vision for what Iran should look like in the future. Yet in a truly democratic society, everyone has their differing opinions and consensus is eventually reached through compromise. I think getting bodged down in philosophical arguments is a disservice to the cause of freedom in Iran. Our primary concern should be attaining freedom for the Iranian people and we should never forget that.
It is easy to argue and blame each other for the problems and it is a lot harder to come together for a common cause. I think we should stop our own internal bickering and focus on the goal of seeing a free and democratic Iran one day. Until that day comes, all other efforts are a distraction and play into the hands who try to keep power by ruling through division. There will be plenty of time to argue in a respectful manner when democracy comes to Iran, but until then we should work together to seek democracy under a common banner.
The only thing that matters is the people of Iran and their freedom, and we should never forget that.
Sunday, September 18, 2011
What This Regime Has Caused Outside Iran
Syrians burn the Iranian flag in protest of the regime's support for the tyranny in Syria. Instead of the lies of supporting freedom in the Middle East, we see the sad reality of what the policies of this regime have caused outside of Iran.
Saturday, September 17, 2011
UN Investigates Illegal Arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi
Full story here:
"UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances" has informed the International Federation for Human Rights, and its member organisation the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI), in its letter of September 2011 that it has considered the cases of enforced disappearance of Messrs Mir Hossein Moussavi and Mehdi Karroubi, Ms. Zahra Rahnavard and Ms. Fatemeh Karroubi "which your organisation submitted… and transmitted them to the Government of Iran on 4 April 2011, under its urgent action procedure", so that "investigations would be carried out in order to clarify the fate and whereabouts of the disappeared persons and to protect their rights. Any information received from the Government of Iran concerning these cases shall be transmitted to you in due course."
Following their joint statement of 2 March 2011, the International Federation for Human Rights and the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI) had filed a complaint on the enforced disappearance of the four opposition leaders with the "UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances."
Referring to the letter of the UNWGEID, vice-president of FIDH and President of the LDDHI, Karim Lahidji said: "It is clear that the Iranian government has failed to respond to the United Nations after more than six months. We have informed Mr Ahmed Shaheed, special rapporteur for human rights in Iran, of the matter. The UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances shall examine this case in its 95th session from 1 to 11 November 2011. The international community must persuade the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to respect its obligations under the human rights covenants. The report of the special rapporteur for human rights and other actions shall gradually pave the way for raising the dossier of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the United Nations Security Council."
"UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances" has informed the International Federation for Human Rights, and its member organisation the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI), in its letter of September 2011 that it has considered the cases of enforced disappearance of Messrs Mir Hossein Moussavi and Mehdi Karroubi, Ms. Zahra Rahnavard and Ms. Fatemeh Karroubi "which your organisation submitted… and transmitted them to the Government of Iran on 4 April 2011, under its urgent action procedure", so that "investigations would be carried out in order to clarify the fate and whereabouts of the disappeared persons and to protect their rights. Any information received from the Government of Iran concerning these cases shall be transmitted to you in due course."
Following their joint statement of 2 March 2011, the International Federation for Human Rights and the Iranian League for the Defence of Human Rights (LDDHI) had filed a complaint on the enforced disappearance of the four opposition leaders with the "UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances."
Referring to the letter of the UNWGEID, vice-president of FIDH and President of the LDDHI, Karim Lahidji said: "It is clear that the Iranian government has failed to respond to the United Nations after more than six months. We have informed Mr Ahmed Shaheed, special rapporteur for human rights in Iran, of the matter. The UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances shall examine this case in its 95th session from 1 to 11 November 2011. The international community must persuade the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to respect its obligations under the human rights covenants. The report of the special rapporteur for human rights and other actions shall gradually pave the way for raising the dossier of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the United Nations Security Council."
Saturday, September 10, 2011
Friday, September 9, 2011
Civil Disobedience in Iran
An interesting article exploring the chaning nature of civil disobedience in Iran since 2009. Worth a read:
The Iranian regime faces a threat even more daunting than the 2009 Green Movement protests: a disparate yet potentially powerful civil disobedience movement motivated not just by politics, but by environmental, economic, and social issues. From demonstrations over the drying up of Lake Orumieh in northwestern Iran to organized youth water fights in Tehran, the resilience and spontaneity of protests in Iran have recently been on full display. But these protests differ from the 2009 protests. They are not necessarily motivated by Iran's contentious factional politics, and they are not wedded to the agenda of Iran's Islamist reform movement. Rather, they are the outpouring of popular frustration with daily life in Iran.
Lake Orumieh, one of the world's largest saltwater lakes, is in danger of disappearing in the next few years. Environmental activists and even members of Iran's parliament have blamed the government's policies and its overall lack of interest for the lake's dismal condition. The drying up of the lake could have serious environmental and economic repercussions for the region's inhabitants. It is no surprise that the region's Turkish-speaking population went into the streets in protest last week; Lake Orumieh is a symbol of Iranian Azerbaijan's historical and cultural heritage. The drying up of the lake was also a convenient reason for Iran's Azeris to express their discontent with the regime in Tehran. The Iranian government, fearing ethnic strife and separatism, responded with brute force and massive arrests, in typical fashion.
Civil disobedience, however, is not restricted to Iran's ethnic minorities. Iranian youth have engaged in water fights -- using plastic guns and balloons -- in Tehran's parks. These water fights, organized through social media sites such as Facebook, are meant to alleviate boredom but also to counter the Islamic Republic's stifling social regulations. Iran's Prosecutor-General, Gholam Hossein Mohsen Ejei, has called the water fights "a campaign orchestrated from abroad." Identified "conspirators" have been duly detained, along with their toy guns.
The Islamic Republic has good reason to fear Iranians protecting a dying lake or trying to have fun on a hot summer day. The 2009 protests shook the regime to its very core; any gathering of a large group of people is suspected as a prelude to revolt. Iran is also surrounded by the dying embers of neighboring authoritarian regimes, from Libya to its close ally, Syria. The Iranian regime may have been successful in crushing the Green Movement that emerged in 2009, but recent acts of civil disobedience could be much harder to control. They are spontaneous and leaderless and not tied to the reform movement led by Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, who still profess loyalty to the same Islamic Republic that they helped create. More importantly, recent acts of civil disobedience are motivated by multiple factors, and not just a result of dissatisfaction with a particular election or opposition to a specific figure such as President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
A typical Iranian has many reasons to disobey the government, whether he or she is young, an ethnic minority, a poor teacher or laborer, or a struggling student. The Azeri demonstrators are not merely motivated by a dying lake or ethnic aspirations. They are driven by the anger, frustration, and indignity felt by Iranians regardless of race, religion, or gender. The Islamic Republic has left many Iranians with no choice but to disobey. And they no longer have to await Mousavi and Karroubi's orders to go into the streets.
The Iranian regime faces a threat even more daunting than the 2009 Green Movement protests: a disparate yet potentially powerful civil disobedience movement motivated not just by politics, but by environmental, economic, and social issues. From demonstrations over the drying up of Lake Orumieh in northwestern Iran to organized youth water fights in Tehran, the resilience and spontaneity of protests in Iran have recently been on full display. But these protests differ from the 2009 protests. They are not necessarily motivated by Iran's contentious factional politics, and they are not wedded to the agenda of Iran's Islamist reform movement. Rather, they are the outpouring of popular frustration with daily life in Iran.
Lake Orumieh, one of the world's largest saltwater lakes, is in danger of disappearing in the next few years. Environmental activists and even members of Iran's parliament have blamed the government's policies and its overall lack of interest for the lake's dismal condition. The drying up of the lake could have serious environmental and economic repercussions for the region's inhabitants. It is no surprise that the region's Turkish-speaking population went into the streets in protest last week; Lake Orumieh is a symbol of Iranian Azerbaijan's historical and cultural heritage. The drying up of the lake was also a convenient reason for Iran's Azeris to express their discontent with the regime in Tehran. The Iranian government, fearing ethnic strife and separatism, responded with brute force and massive arrests, in typical fashion.
Civil disobedience, however, is not restricted to Iran's ethnic minorities. Iranian youth have engaged in water fights -- using plastic guns and balloons -- in Tehran's parks. These water fights, organized through social media sites such as Facebook, are meant to alleviate boredom but also to counter the Islamic Republic's stifling social regulations. Iran's Prosecutor-General, Gholam Hossein Mohsen Ejei, has called the water fights "a campaign orchestrated from abroad." Identified "conspirators" have been duly detained, along with their toy guns.
The Islamic Republic has good reason to fear Iranians protecting a dying lake or trying to have fun on a hot summer day. The 2009 protests shook the regime to its very core; any gathering of a large group of people is suspected as a prelude to revolt. Iran is also surrounded by the dying embers of neighboring authoritarian regimes, from Libya to its close ally, Syria. The Iranian regime may have been successful in crushing the Green Movement that emerged in 2009, but recent acts of civil disobedience could be much harder to control. They are spontaneous and leaderless and not tied to the reform movement led by Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, who still profess loyalty to the same Islamic Republic that they helped create. More importantly, recent acts of civil disobedience are motivated by multiple factors, and not just a result of dissatisfaction with a particular election or opposition to a specific figure such as President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
A typical Iranian has many reasons to disobey the government, whether he or she is young, an ethnic minority, a poor teacher or laborer, or a struggling student. The Azeri demonstrators are not merely motivated by a dying lake or ethnic aspirations. They are driven by the anger, frustration, and indignity felt by Iranians regardless of race, religion, or gender. The Islamic Republic has left many Iranians with no choice but to disobey. And they no longer have to await Mousavi and Karroubi's orders to go into the streets.
Thursday, September 8, 2011
Mousavi Allowed to Visit Family
After months of illegal house arrest, Mousavi was allowed to visit his family and affired his spirit is strong. Full story here:
After 7 months of house arrest, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard were finally allowed to visit the home of one of their daughters, spending some time with their three children.
According to reports received by Kaleme, 200 days after their house arrest, Mousavi and Rahnavard were accompanied by a number of male and female security agents to the residence of one of their daughters. This sudden and unprecedented visit, with all three of their daughters present, was the first time Mousavi and Rahnavard were allowed to leave the confounds of their house arrest in a period of 7 months.
The future is bright...
In the meeting with his three children, Mir Hossein Mousavi made the following statement regarding the current developments in the country: "The future is bright" While pointing to the upcoming [parliamentary] elections, the former prime minister during the 8 year holy war against Iraq stated: " Given the current climate in our country, one cannot be hopeful regarding participation in the upcoming elections."
While discussing the restrictions imposed upon them, Mousavi stated that he is grateful for the grace of God, emphasizing that the pressures and restrictions on himself and his wife are as a result of their ideals and speaking the truth, principles they both strongly believe in.
It has been reported that during Mousavi and Rahnavard's long house arrest, they were both very concerned for the life, well being and security of their three daughters, particularly as one of the pressure tactics used by security agents was making sure that Mousavi and Rahnavard were in the dark when it came to their children's well being.
Presence of a high ranking judicial figure during the family visit and Mousavi's distinct reaction
It has been reported that a high ranking judicial authority was also present during Mousavi and Rahnavard's first visit in 7 months with their three daughters, a visit that took place outside the restricted confines of Pasteur street [the location of Mousavi's residence]. Mousavi is said to have strongly protested the presence of this individual, demanding to know why he was present and who had authorized him to be there.
Mousavi and Rahnavard denied all communication with the outside world, their personal art work confiscated
During the visit with their three daughters, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard reiterated that they have been denied all communication with the outside world, including access to newspapers, radio and even certain writing materials. They both emphasized that although these tactics are designed to erase their memories, the truth and the events of the past two years will be etched in their memories for ever. Mousavi and Rahnavard also stated: " A large number of our personal art work and paintings were confiscated and taken to an undisclosed location during the interrogations and searches conducted by security agents after the initial days of our house arrest."
Mousavi and Rahnavard both in good physical condition and high spirits
Mousavi and Rahnavard's daughters describe their parents as physically healthy and in excellent spirits. Reportedly when informed about the lies that had been published regarding his health by a number of pro government media outlets, Mousavi was surprised, strongly denying any reports eluding to the fact that he and his wife suffer from any serious illness.
Pressure on the family continued after the visit, all telephone contact once again banned
According to the latest reports received by Kaleme, after this unprecedented visit outside of the restrictions of Pasteur street and Mousavi's explicit statements to the judicial authority present, pressure on Mousavi and Rahnavard once again increased and all telephone contact between Mousavi, Rahnavard and their daughters was yet again banned.
This is the second time Mousavi's statements have reached Green media outlets in 2011. The first such occasion was when Mousavi was briefly allowed to visit and pay his respects to the body of his late father Mir Esmail Mousavi this past April, and he reportedly repeated to those present: "patience.... patience.... patience..."
After 7 months of house arrest, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard were finally allowed to visit the home of one of their daughters, spending some time with their three children.
According to reports received by Kaleme, 200 days after their house arrest, Mousavi and Rahnavard were accompanied by a number of male and female security agents to the residence of one of their daughters. This sudden and unprecedented visit, with all three of their daughters present, was the first time Mousavi and Rahnavard were allowed to leave the confounds of their house arrest in a period of 7 months.
The future is bright...
In the meeting with his three children, Mir Hossein Mousavi made the following statement regarding the current developments in the country: "The future is bright" While pointing to the upcoming [parliamentary] elections, the former prime minister during the 8 year holy war against Iraq stated: " Given the current climate in our country, one cannot be hopeful regarding participation in the upcoming elections."
While discussing the restrictions imposed upon them, Mousavi stated that he is grateful for the grace of God, emphasizing that the pressures and restrictions on himself and his wife are as a result of their ideals and speaking the truth, principles they both strongly believe in.
It has been reported that during Mousavi and Rahnavard's long house arrest, they were both very concerned for the life, well being and security of their three daughters, particularly as one of the pressure tactics used by security agents was making sure that Mousavi and Rahnavard were in the dark when it came to their children's well being.
Presence of a high ranking judicial figure during the family visit and Mousavi's distinct reaction
It has been reported that a high ranking judicial authority was also present during Mousavi and Rahnavard's first visit in 7 months with their three daughters, a visit that took place outside the restricted confines of Pasteur street [the location of Mousavi's residence]. Mousavi is said to have strongly protested the presence of this individual, demanding to know why he was present and who had authorized him to be there.
Mousavi and Rahnavard denied all communication with the outside world, their personal art work confiscated
During the visit with their three daughters, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Zahra Rahnavard reiterated that they have been denied all communication with the outside world, including access to newspapers, radio and even certain writing materials. They both emphasized that although these tactics are designed to erase their memories, the truth and the events of the past two years will be etched in their memories for ever. Mousavi and Rahnavard also stated: " A large number of our personal art work and paintings were confiscated and taken to an undisclosed location during the interrogations and searches conducted by security agents after the initial days of our house arrest."
Mousavi and Rahnavard both in good physical condition and high spirits
Mousavi and Rahnavard's daughters describe their parents as physically healthy and in excellent spirits. Reportedly when informed about the lies that had been published regarding his health by a number of pro government media outlets, Mousavi was surprised, strongly denying any reports eluding to the fact that he and his wife suffer from any serious illness.
Pressure on the family continued after the visit, all telephone contact once again banned
According to the latest reports received by Kaleme, after this unprecedented visit outside of the restrictions of Pasteur street and Mousavi's explicit statements to the judicial authority present, pressure on Mousavi and Rahnavard once again increased and all telephone contact between Mousavi, Rahnavard and their daughters was yet again banned.
This is the second time Mousavi's statements have reached Green media outlets in 2011. The first such occasion was when Mousavi was briefly allowed to visit and pay his respects to the body of his late father Mir Esmail Mousavi this past April, and he reportedly repeated to those present: "patience.... patience.... patience..."
Tuesday, September 6, 2011
Quote for Iran Today
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
-John F. Kennedy
-John F. Kennedy
Saturday, September 3, 2011
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